Dear Britain,
Today, we’ll all be voting on the future of the United
Kingdom and its relationship with the European Union. Throughout the past few
weeks, I have been disappointed with both the Leave and Remain campaigns, both
twisting limited quantities of information into soundbites to suit their
respective agendas. With Vote Leave, I am especially disappointed, as I think
there is a strong case for Brexit, and they failed to do that case justice,
making themselves fodder for the accusations of the opposing side.
I am aware that many of you currently lean on the Remain side of
the debate. I agree with you that passion and pride are insufficient when
making an important decision for the future of ourselves, our country and our
family. We also need to use our heads and look through the facts to come to a
prudent decision. Unfortunately, I don’t think we’ve been given all those
facts. In my debates with friends online, I have had the opportunity to
research the EU at length, and hope to share what I have learned with you.
Perhaps, it will change your mind.
This is not to say that the other points of the debate aren’t
important, but I think the central issue should be what has changed since when
we voted to join the European Economic Community, back in 1973. That is the
shift from just an economic union to a political union. Remain have managed to
persuade this country that the risk of the future lies with our Economy if we
vote to leave. In my opinion, I think that greater and more permanent risks lie
with the future of our Democracy. The more I research into how the European
Union has changed from the European Economic Community of 1957 to the would-be
federalist ‘super-state’ of today, the more convinced I am that leaving the EU
is the right decision for our future and those generations after us.
It is important to first dispel the hyperbole from the Vote
Leave campaign that the five presidents of the EU are unelected. That is not
strictly true. The three that really count in the legislature are the President
of the European Parliament (PEP), where MEPs elected by EU citizens can vote on
laws, the President of the Council of the European Union (PCE), where the leaders of the 28
member states negotiate EU treaties, and the President of the European
Commission (PEC), which holds sole executive power to initiate and write the
legislation that is voted into effect.
The PEP (currently Martin Schulz of the S&D) is elected
by the Members of the European Parliament. This is straightforward. The PCE
(currently Donald Tusk of the EPP) is elected by national leaders sitting on
the European Council, also straightforward. The PEC (currently Jean-Claude
Juncker) is the most powerful of them all, and yes, he too is elected. Upon the
election of the MEPs, the result of that election is looked at by the European
Council. A candidate is then picked by the Council from the Party with the strongest
plurality in the Parliament. This candidate is finally elected into their
position as PEC by the EU Parliament. It is not quite the same as how we do
things in our House of Commons, the election of the PEC being rather more like
how the House of Lords treats incoming bills, approving a readily-selected
option or vetoing it, but it is still
technically democratic. It is also a very indirect kind of democracy, our only
direct input being the election of those MEPs. But, it is still democratic.
The problem with the democracy in the European Union is
rather more insidious, and more to do with the rapidly reducing ability that
the UK has in protecting its largely Eurosceptic interests against the very
Europhilic interests of the other EU member states.

The bicameral legislature of the European Union took inspiration
from our own British Parliament, and similarly, has a series of parties making
it up. It is however, more European in using Proportional Representation,
rather than First-Past-The-Post. These parties are made up of blocs of national
parties. For example, our Labour Party combines with other Centre-Left parties
throughout the EU to form the Progressive Alliance of Socialists &
Democrats (S&D). You can see them in the big red zone above. Currently, the European party to hold a plurality is the
European People’s Party (EPP), a Centre-Right party, populated by mostly
Christian Democratic parties. You can see them in the big, blue zone. Combined with the S&D and the Alliance of
Liberals & Democrats for Europe (ALDE) in the yellow zone, these three parties command a huge
majority in the 7
th European Parliament (elected 2014) of 475 out of
751 seats (facts from
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Parliament).
However, in those same elections of 2014, the United Kingdom
voted only 21 of its 73 MEPs to this majority. 20 of them were elected to the
S&D via Labour. 1 was voted to the ALDE via the Liberal Democrats. Of the
rest, most notably 24 were voted to Europe of Freedom & Democracy (EFDD) in the pale-blue zone via UKIP and another 20 were voted to the European Conservatives &
Reformists (ECR) in the dark-blue zone via the Conservatives and UPP.
This presents a crucial point. The vast majority of the
British-elected MEPs, our only form of direct democracy, sits in the small
opposition of the European Parliament. Another crucial point. The EPP, which
holds the plurality in the majority, is the only European party without a
single British MEP in it. Not only this, but the United Kingdom is also the
only country in the entire European Union to not have any presence in that
European party. Because of this, the largest party in the European Parliament
uniquely does not have British interests represented.

To get a sense of how much the British elected MEPs oppose
the motions approved by the EU Parliament, it is worth enclosing a small table
which shows the percentage of occasions, the British MEPs have voted in favour
of the EU motions (
http://ukandeu.ac.uk/explainers/uk-meps-lose-most-in-the-european-parliament/). In the previous European Parliament of 2004-9, the UK
largely sat with the other member states, agreeing with about 80% of the votes.
We know from this that most laws passed in the EU are non-controversial.
However, from 2009 onwards, there was a clear drop in British agreement to
about 65%. The only other country to experience a similar drop, albeit less
extreme, is Greece. What we can glean from this is that in the laws that
created controversy and disagreement in the European Parliament, it was the
British MEPs more than any other who did not want the motion to be passed, and,
sitting so much in the opposition parties, they are most often outvoted. While
democratic, it seems quite clear from this that our elected MEPs have less
influence on how the EU is run than any other country, by a wide margin.
This problem is not confined to the European Parliament. The
PEC, Jean-Claude Juncker, was appointed for election by the Council from the
EPP. David Cameron was one of the few members of the Council voting against his
appointment. Also, the PCE, Donald Tusk, was elected by a vote from the same
Council. He is also with the EPP. In this way, the EPP, with no British
interests, and indeed, who the British repeatedly try to resist, effectively
control the EU and their agenda of ‘an ever closer union’ is pushed.
The three main Presidents have made no secret of their federalist
intentions. The PEP, Martin Schulz of the S&D, tweeted this in 2013:
“US have one currency, one Central Bank and one Govt. Europe has one
currency, one Central Bank and...17 govts! Cannot go on like this.”
(
https://twitter.com/MartinSchulz/status/353060776707235841).
Over time, the UK has been decreasingly able to resist the
agenda. On the Council of the European Union, leaders of member states are able
to exercise a veto against some decisions. However, the number of areas where
decisions can be vetoed has decreased significantly due to the signing of the
Lisbon Treaty, which replaced the older Nice Treaty. This new Treaty came into effect in 2014 and changed the voting
rules for 45 different areas of legislation, including Common Defence Policy,
Rules Concerning the Armaments Agency, Transport, Criminal Law and even Culture:
| Area | Nice | Lisbon | Reference |
| Initiatives of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs | Unanimity | QMV following unanimous request | 15b TEU |
| Rules concerning the Armaments Agency | Unanimity | QMV | 28D§2 TEU |
| Freedom to establish a business | Unanimity | QMV | 50 TFEU |
| Self-employment access rights | Unanimity | QMV | 50 TFEU |
| Freedom, security and justice – cooperation and evaluation | Unanimity | QMV | 70 TFEU |
| Border checks | Unanimity | QMV | 77 TFEU |
| Asylum | Unanimity | QMV | 78 TFEU |
| Immigration | Unanimity | QMV | 79 TFEU |
| Crime prevention incentives | Unanimity | QMV | 69c TFEU |
| Eurojust | Unanimity | QMV | 69d TFEU |
| Police cooperation | Unanimity | QMV | 69f TFEU |
| Europol | Unanimity | QMV | 69g TFEU |
| Transport | Unanimity | QMV | 71§2 TFEU |
| European Central Bank | Unanimity | QMV (in part) | 129 TFEU, 283 TFEU |
| Culture | Unanimity | QMV | 151 TFEU |
| Structural and Cohension Funds | Unanimity | QMV | 161 TFEU |
| Organisation of the Council of the European Union | Unanimity | QMV | 201b TFEU |
| European Court of Justice | Unanimity | QMV | 245, 224a, 225a TFEU |
| Freedom of movement for workers | Unanimity | QMV | 46 TFEU |
| Social security | Unanimity | QMV | 48 TFEU |
| Criminal judicial cooperation | Unanimity | QMV | 69a TFEU |
| Criminal law | Unanimity | QMV | 69b TFEU |
| President of the European Council election | (New item) | QMV | 9b§5 TEU |
| Foreign Affairs High Representative election | (New item) | QMV | 9e§1 TEU |
| Funding the Common Foreign and Security Policy | Unanimity | QMV | 28 TEU |
| Common defense policy | Unanimity | QMV | 28e TEU |
| Withdrawal of a member state | (new item) | QMV | 49a TEU |
| General economic interest services | Unanimity | QMV | 16 TFEU |
| Diplomatic and consular protection | Unanimity | QMV | 20 TFEU |
| Citizens initiative regulations | Unanimity | QMV | 21 TFEU |
| Intellectual property | Unanimity | QMV | 97a TFEU |
| Eurozone external representation | Unanimity | QMV | 115c TFEU |
| Sport | Unanimity | QMV | 149 TFEU |
| Space | Unanimity | QMV | 172a TFEU |
| Energy | Unanimity | QMV | 176a TFEU |
| Tourism | Unanimity | QMV | 176b TFEU |
| Civil protection | Unanimity | QMV | 176c TFEU |
| Administrative cooperation | Unanimity | QMV | 176d TFEU |
| Emergency international aid | Unanimity | QMV | 188i TFEU |
| Humanitarian aid | Unanimity | QMV | 188j TFEU |
| Response to natural disasters or terrorism | (new item) | QMV | 188R§3 TFEU |
| Economic and Social Committee | QMV | QMV | 256a TFEU |
| Committee of the Regions | Unanimity | QMV | 256a TFEU |
| Economic and Social Committee | Unanimity | QMV | 256a TFEU |
| The EU budget | Unanimity | QMV | 269 TFEU |
In this very broad range of different areas of varying
levels of importance, the Unanimity (and thus, the power to veto) has been
replaced with a Qualified Majority Vote (QMV). This means that for all these areas,
if our Prime Minister happened to disagree with the majority of the leaders
from the other EU member states, the motion would still be passed and we would have
to obey while we continued to be within the EU.
We still have the ability to veto in some areas. For
example, if he wanted to, David Cameron could veto Turkey’s accession to the
EU. However, in the case where the majority of other EU member states, and thus
the parties in power, have such a common desire for further union between existing states, all it takes
is one British Prime Minister who shares their views to sign away those vetoes.
This is what happened in 2007, when the passionate Europhile, Gordon Brown, who
never won a British election, signed the Lisbon Treaty. Seven years later, the
British Prime Minister has had to manage with the loss of that control.
For the above reasons, we can see a clear intention in the
dominant elements of the European Union that there be further integration into
an effective super-state. We can also see a clear, growing resistance from the
majority of British MEPs to this further integration. Finally, we can see the
removal of our ability to resist these changes over time. The direction is
clear and the momentum unstoppable
.
If we don’t vote to Leave the EU, the future will likely be
the loss of British sovereignty and independence as Europe establishes itself
as a single super-state.